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1

E41 IN Wildt Plan van Slawe Losie in die 18de eeu

Die Slawe Losie se eie slaaf-skepe het die meerderheid van die meer as 5400 slawe wat tussen 1655 en 1795 in die Losie gehuisves is, verskaf. Hooggeregtigde proklamasies dat maatskappyslawe nie verkoop kon word nie en geregtig was om gedoop en opgevoed te word, word deur die verskriklike lewens- en werksomstandighede van die Losie weerspreek. Sterftesyfers was so hoog dat teen die einde van die 18de eeu, toe die oorgrote meerderheid slawe wat in die Kaap woon, in die Kaap gebore is, daar meer ingevoerde as plaaslik-gebore slawe in die Losie was.

E41 IN Wildt lcebo lomchweli lendlu yamakhoboka ngexa le 18th yeenkulungwane.

lkwa yinqanawe yobukhoboka yeSlave Lodge eyayisondla iSlave Lodge leyo isininzi esidlulisele nga phezulu kwamakhoboka ayi 5400 phakathi konyaka ka 1655 no 1795. lingxelo ezikuqondo oluphezulu zopapasho lokuba amakhoboka enkampani akasayikuthengiswa nje kwaye anelungelo lokuphehlelelwa nelemfundo kuyaphikisana nemeko amakhoboka ayesebenza phantsi kwayo pha eLodge. lzinga lokufa laliphezulu ngendlela le yokuba kuthe kuphela inkulungwane ye18, inani lamakhobaka ayesuka ngaphandle lalingaphezulu kwelo lwamakhoboka olwaluzalelwe, kwayeluhlala eKapa.

E41 IN Wildt Plan of Slave Lodge at 18th century

The Slave Lodge’s own slaving ships supplied the majority of the more than 5400 slaves housed in the Lodge between 1655 and 1795. High-minded proclamations that Company slaves could not be sold and were entitled to be baptized and educated are belied by the appalling living and working conditions of the Lodge. Mortality rates were so high that by the end of the 18th century, when the vast majority of slaves living In the Cape were born in the Cape, there were more imported than locally-born slaves in the Lodge.

2

Afdeling van slaaf boom

Dit is ‘n wig van die massiewe boom in Kerkplein waarvolgens slawe na bewering gekoop en verkoop is. Dit is in 1916 afgekap. Historici meen die belangikheid van die boom kan meer simbolies as werklik wees. Maatskappyslawe mag nie verkoop word nie, so daar was geen rede dat slawehandel oorkant die Slawe Losie plaasvind nie.

Section of slave tree

This is a wedge from the massive tree in Church Square under which slaves were reputedly bought and sold. It was cut down in 1916. Historians think the importance of the tree may be more symbolic than actual. Company slaves were not allowed to be sold, so there was no reason for slave trading to take place opposite the Slave Lodge.

lndawo yomthi wekhoboka

Le verhe isuka kumthi omkhulu eChurch Square apho kwakuthengiselwa khona amakhoboka phantsi kwawo. Wacandwa wawuswa ngo 1916. limbali mbali zicinga ukuba ukubaluleka kwalomthi kusisifuziselo ngaphezu kobukho babo. Amakhoboka enkampani kwakungavumelekanga athengiswe, sizathu eso sokuba singabikho esokuthengiselwa amakhoboka phambi kweSlave Lodge.

3.1 & 3.2

7166 lleyisi
6903 lkepusi yomntwana enithiweyo, yenziwe ngu Melati

Umbhalo oncanyathiselwe kwikepusi yomnwana uthi “lnithwe likhoboka likamakhulu warn yanxitywa ndim ngonyaka ka 1838”. Ngokujonga nje igama lakhe, singaqikelela ukuba uMelati ngowasetyini, kuba ligama lase Indonesia eli lesifazi elithetha “intyatyambo ye Jasmine”.

7166 Kant
6903 Gebreide babapet, gemaak deur Melati

Nota aangeheg aan babapet se: “Gebrei deur ‘n slaaf van my ouma en deur my gedra in 1838.” Ons kan aanneem dat Melati vroulik was as gevolg van haar naam, wat ‘n lndonesiese vrou se naam is wat “jasmienblom” beteken.

7166 Lace
6903 Knitted baby cap, made by Melati

Note attached to baby cap says, “Knitted by a slave of my grandmother’s and worn by me in 1838”. We can assume Melati was female from her name, which is an Indonesian woman’s name meaning “jasmine flower”.

4

SH2006/10 Baptismal Certificate

A document that certifies the baptism of Ann Gerrard in the Roman Catholic Church. Was the baptising of slaves being done for the master’s convenience, for accepting the teachings of the Bible and the synoptic gospels, or understanding what was required by the Roman Catholic Church? Did Ann know what she was undergoing? Baptism during the times of slavery was not necessarily a religious undertaking, but a mere requirement made by the government in case the master wanted to ‘free’ a slave. The year 1823 is also in the period that slavery was starting to be abolished and the idea of emancipation was gaining support. To keep slaves forever, masters had to develop other plans. One of them was baptism, which meant nominal freedom.
– Lilietta Njovana

SH2006/10 iSetifiketi Sophehlelelwa

Uxwebhu oluqinisekisa uphehlelelo Iuka Ann Gerrard kwicawe yamaKatolika. lngaba ukuphehlelelwa kwamakhoboka kwakusenzelwa nje ukwanelisa isiqu salowo wayengumnini, ukuze kwamkelwe iimfundiso zencwadi enomlom’obomvu noshwankathelo lwevangeli, okanye ke yayikukufuna nje ukuqonda iimfuno zecawe yamaKatoliki? lngaba uAnn lo wayesazi ukuba kwenzekani nje kwalapha? Ukuphehlelelwa ngexesha lobukhoboka yayingelo nqulo ncam, qha nje yayisisinyanzelo esasibekwe ngurhulumente xa enokuthi umnini afune “ukukhulula” ikhoboka. Unyaka ka 1823 ikwalelixesha ubukhoboka babusele buqaliswa ukupheliswa kwakunye nembhono yenkululeko yayisele ifuman’inxaso. Ukuze abo banamakhoboka bawagcine njalo unaphakade, kwanyanzeleka bazame amany’amacebo. Elinya lawo ke yayikukuwaphehlelela, iyinto leyo ethetha nje inkululekwana.
– Lilietta Njovana

SH2006/10 Doopsertifikaat

‘n Dokument wat die doop van Ann Gerard in die Rooms-Katolieke Kerk sertifiseer. Was die doop van slawe vir die meester se gerief, om die leerstellings van die Bybel en die sinoptiese evangelies te aanvaar, of om te verstaan wat die Rooms­Katolieke Kerk nodig gehad het? Het Ann geweet wat sy ondergaan het? Doop tentyde van slawerny was nie noodwendig ‘n godsdienstige onderneming nie, maar bloot ‘n vereiste deur die regering gemaak vir as die meester ‘n slaaf wou ‘vrylaat’. Die jaar 1823 is ook in die tydperk waar slawery afgeskaf begin word en die idee van emansipasie ondersteun word. Om slawe vir ewig te hou, moes meesters ander planne ontwikkel. Een van die planne was om hulle te doop, wat nominale vryheid beteken.
– Lilietta Njovana

5

Sitifikethi Senkululeko

lsiqiniseko senkululeko yomnini, si nikezwe yiofisi yembhaliso makhoboka, Iphepha 57, no. 344, 19 Eyethupha 1823. ltyikitywe ngu G I Rogers, Inspector. (Cape Town). lsiciko esinomhombiso we Braille ye VOC kwakunye nesiciko somthwebeba we karhulumente wenkoloni yentshona (abaphathi baseBritani). UMnu Francis Gerrard Powley wakhulula ikhoboka lakhe uHennie, owayebizwa ngo Anne Gerrard, ezalelwe entshona koloni, eneminyaka esibhozo.

Unikezelo “lwencwadiyokudlula” yababubungqina bokugqibela obubonisa ukuba ikhoboka lalikhululwe ngumnini lo. Omnye wemiqulu ekulengqokelelo ngoka Ann Gerrard, umntwana oneminyaka esibhozo, kwakunye noHenni ikhoboka lomfazi. Enika umdla ke yona yeyokuba ayinangcaciso yokuba umnini lo umkhululelani umntwana lo. Ayicaci ncam nokuba uAnna lo wayeyintombi ayifumene kuHenni lo mhlawumbi ke ibe ilikhoboka lakhe. Ukuba ke kunjalo, kucace cha ukuba wayengafuni ukuba lgazi lakhe likhulele ebukhobokeni. Kukho izikhewu ezikhulu kwiincukacha esizinikwa yilemiqulu. Kwakunyanzelekile ukuba lomakhoboka akhululweyo aphathe lemiqulu njengabungqina benkululeko yabo. Lendlela ke isinika intsusela yokuba ingcamango “yabo babengengobelungu” yokuba baphathe iimpephazepasikwiminyakayocalucalulo. Maxawambi,amakhobokaakhululekileyo babebazizlpho ezisuka kumnini sisiya komnye. Lemiqulu iphelele njani ezandleni zika Mnu. Brian McCarthy? lngaba izinyanya zakhe zazinamakhoboka? Okanye ke wayifumana lemiqulu ‘isisipho sekrismesi’ okaye yayililifa?
– Lilietta Njovana

Certificate of Manumission

Certificate of Manumission, issued by the Office for the Enregisterment of Slaves, Folio 57, no. 344, 19 August 1823. Signed by GI Rogers, Inspector. (Cape Town). With embossed VOC seal and wax seal of the Cape Colonial Government (British rule). Mr Francis Gerrard Powley manumits his slave Hennie, alias Ann Gerrard, born In the Cape Colony, aged 8 years.

The issuing of the ‘passbook’ was the final proof that a slave was freed by their master. One document in this collection is of Ann Gerrard, an 8-year-old child, and Hennie a female slave. Interestingly, it does not say why the master was freeing this child. It is not clear on whether Ann was his daughter with Hennie his slave. If that was the case, he obviously did not want his own flesh and blood to grow into slavery. There are glaring gaps in the information provided in these documents. The freed slaves had to carry these documents every time as evidence of their emancipation. This practice provides a backdrop to the idea of ‘non-whites’ having to carry passes in the years of apartheid. In some instances, the freed slaves were given away as gifts or presents from one master to the other. How did these documents end up in the hands on of Mr. Brian McCarthy? Were his ancestors slave masters? Did he get these documents as ‘gifts’ or a ‘Christmas present’ or part of the inheritance?
– Lilietta Njovana

Sertifikaat van Vrystelling

Sertifikaat van Vrylating, uitgereik deur die Kantoor vir die Registrasie van Slawe, Folio 57, no. 344, 19 Augustus 1823. Geteken deur G I Rogers, lnspekteur(Kaapstad). Met die reliëfdruk van die VOC seël en wasseël van die Kaapse Koloniale Regering (Britse heerskappy). Mnr. Francis Gerrard Powley maak sy slaaf Hennie, alias Ann Gerrard, vry. Hennie is in die Kaapse Kolonie gebore en is op 8 jarige ouderdom vrygelaat.

Die uitreiking van die ‘pasboek’ was die finale bewys dat ‘n slaaf deur hul meester bevry is. Een dokument in hierdie versameling is van Ann Gerrard, ‘n 8-jarige kind, en Hennie, ‘n vroulike slaaf. lnteressant genoeg, se dit nie hoekom die meester hierdie kind bevry het nie. Dit is nie duidelik of Ann sy dogter was met Hennie, sy slaaf, nie.

As dit die geval was, wou hy natuurlik nie sy eie vlees en bloed in slawerny laat groot word nie. Daar is duidelike gapings in die inligting wat in hierdie dokumente verskaf word. Die bevryde slawe moes hierdie dokumente elke keer as bewys van hul emansipasie dra. Hierdie praktyk bied ‘n ideale agtergrond tot die idee dat ‘nie-blankes’ passe moes dra in die jare van apartheid. In sommige gevalle is die bevryde slawe weggegee as geskenke van een meester na die ander. Hoe het hierdie dokumente in die hande van Mnr. Brian McCarthy beland? Was sy voorvaders slawemeesters? Het hy hierdie dokumente as ‘geskenke’ , dalk ‘n Kersgeskenk, of deel van die erfenis gekry?
– Lilietta Njovana

6

lmpendulo esuka kwiofisi yentshona koloni, nge14 Eyethupha 1823, isiya kwisikhumbuzo sokufa sika Mnu FG Powley ekhulula umfazi olikhoboka uHennie engayihlawulelanga lenkululeko pha ecaweni. Umkhumbili womfi uvumelekile ukuba aveze isikhuphelo sengqinisekiso yesiphehlelelo kwi ofisi yembhaliso makhoboka, eKapa, ukuze asinde kwintlawu lo 50 rixdollars pha kwicawe. Ngomya lelo yowayeseburhulumenteni (isityikityo C Bird- ukuba nguBird kunyanzeleka ibengu W Bird owayesakubangunobhala eburhulumenteni?). Ngesiciko esihonjisiweyo se VOC. (eKapa)

Reply from the Cape Colonial Office, 14 August 1823, to the Memorial of Mr FG Powley to manumit a female slave Hennie without payment to the Church on her manumission. The Memorialist is permitted to produce a copy of the Baptism certificate to the Office of the Enregisterment of Slave, Cape Town, and thus avoid paying the required 50 rixdollars to the Church. By Command of the Governor (signed C Bird – if Bird it should be W Bird who was the Secretary to the Government?). With VOC embossed seal. (Cape Town)

Antwoord van die Kaapse Koloniale kantoor, 14 Augustus 1823, na die Gedenkteken van Mnr. FG Prowley om ‘n vroulike slaaf, Hennie, sander betaling aan die Kerk, vry te laat. Die skrywer van gedenkskrifte is toegelaat om ‘n afskrif van die Doopsertifikaat aan die Kantoor van Slawerny te verskaf, en vermy dus die vereiste 50 rixdollars aan die Kerk. Op bevel van die goewerneur (geteken as C Bird – as dit Bird is, behoort dit W Bird te wees wat die Sektretarls tot die Regering was?) Met VOC- relief seël. (Kaapstad)

7

Dress made by slave woman
Dress with a belt in 1830’s style. It has been alluded that this dress may have been made by an enslaved woman.
Date: 1830s
Accession no. SACHM84/660a,b

Rok met ‘n belt in 1830 styl. Dit is moontlik dat hierdie rok deur ‘n slawe vrou gemaak was.
Datum: 1830s
Toetredingsnr. SACHM84/660a, b

llokhwe enebhanti ngo ngohlobo lwesimbho sika 1830. lntetho ke ithi lelokhwe isenokuthi kanti yeenziwa ngumfazi olikhoboka.
Umhla: 1830’s
lnani lasebukhobokeni. SACH84/660a,b

8

Tekening deur Dingly wat die Trekboer-familie met Slaaf uitbeeld.

“‘N Boorse familie van die Binnelandse Distrikte van die Kaap”, onderteken “Dingly”, wat in 1970 deur Prof Bax in Engeland gekoop is. Duidelike uitbeelding van ‘n slaaf of dienaar en hul kind wat op die vloer kruip. Minder opvallend is die status van die vrou wat sit, links van die sentrum. Sy is kaalvoet (slawe was nie toegelaat om skoene te dra nie) en sit sonder ‘n stoel.

Umzobo ka Dingly obonisa usapho lwamabhulu nekhoboka

“Usapho lwamabhulu kwisithili esiphakathi eNtshona” ltyikitywe ngu “Dingy”, wathengwa ngu Njingalwazi Bax eNgilani ngo 1970. Umboniso othe gca wekhoboka nosana lwalo lukhasa phantsi. Okungacaci ncam yindima yomfazi ohleliyo, esiphakathini sasekhohlo. Akanazihlangu ezinyaweni (kuba amakhoboka ayengavumelekanga ukuba anxibe zihlangu) echophile ngaphandle kwesitulo.”

Drawing by Dingly depicting Trekboer family with Slave

“A Boor’s Family of the Interior Districts of the Cape”, signed “Dingly”, bought by Prof Bax in England in 1970. Clear depiction of a slave or servant and their child crawling on the floor. Less evident is the status of the woman sitting, centre left. She is barefoot (slaves were not allowed to wear shoes) and seated without a chair.

9

C47 Koper armband. gese dat dit aan ‘n slaaf behoort het –
lziko William Fehr- Versameling

Kopermanillas (“hand ringe” in Portugees) is deur die Portugese in Wes-Afrika ingedien as betaling vir slawe. In 1550 was een slaaf 8-10 manillas werd. Hulle is deur vroue gedra as ‘n teken van rykdom en hul man se status. Manillas as betaling is aangeneem deur die Hollandse, Frans, en Engelse. Teen die 18de eeu was die meeste manillas van koper gemaak en vervaardig in Engeland. Met verloop van tyd het manillas die eerste algemene geldeenheid in Wes-Afrika geword.

C47 lmiliza yexina ekuthiwa yayiyeyekhoboka – lngqokelela
yeZiko ka William Fehr

lsityalo esineentsinga zokwenza ixina (“imisesane yesandla” ngokwesiphuthukezi) zaqala ukwaziswa kwelaseNtsona Afrika ngokuthi amaphuthukezi athenge ngayo amakhoboka. Ngonyaka ka 1550 lkhoboka elinye lalixabisa imisesane yezandla eyi 8-10. Yayinxitywa ngabafazi abasezingeni njengandlela yokubonisa ubutyebi babo kwakunye nezinga lamadoda abo. AmaDatshi, amaFrench, namaNgesi ayikhetha nawo lendlela yokubhatala ngemisesane yezandla. Kuthe kubetha inkulungwane ye18, yabe yonke imisesane yesandla yenziwe ngexina isenziwa eNgilane. Ekuhambeni kwexesha, lemisesane yezandla ibe yeyokuqala iisimboli yemali yelizwe e W Africa.

C47 Brass bangle said to have belonged to a slave –
lziko William Fehr Collection

Brass manillas (“hand rings” in Portuguese) were introduced into West Africa by the Portuguese as payment for slaves. In 1550 one slave was worth 8-10 manillas. They were worn by women as a sign of wealth and their husband’s status. Manillas as payment were adopted by the Dutch, French and English. By the eighteenth century most manillas were made of brass and manufactured in England. Over time manillas became the first general currency in West Africa.

10

Bronze manilla or ring money, Nigeria. (Nigerian coastal area) 74,3959g. The manillas were being manufactured in Birmingham, England already as early as the end of the 18th century. Bought from Paul Dillingham, Nashville, Tennessee, USA from Sales List 21, arrived September, 1979.

Brans manilla of ringgeld, Nigerie. (Nigeriese kusgebied). 74,3959g. Die manillas is reeds in die vroeë 18de eeu in Birmingham, Engeland vervaardig. Gekoop by Paul Dillingham, Nashville, Tennessee, VSA va naf Verkoopslys 21, arriveer September 1979.

Umsesane wobhedu okanye ke umsesane wemali, Nigerian. (Kunxweme lwaseNigeria) 74,3959g. lzityalo ezi zineentsinga zaziveliswa eBirmingham, Nashville, Tennessee, USA njengokuba siyifumana kuludwe lentengiso 21, ifike ngeyoMsintsi, 1979.

11

Umxube wobhedu “umthandelo we manila”, Nigeria. lthengwe ku Gqirha Runge, Hans-Joachim, Hamburg. eyoMnga 1980. Ngokuka Gqirha Runge, nto leyo yexesha langaphambili womthandelo we manilla, ngenkulungwane ye 19th neye 20th? Okufunyenwe kwingqokelela yomphathi we nkoloni osuka kwelaseBelgium owahlala iminyaka kwelaseCongo phambi ko1913.

Copper alloy “coiled manila”, Nigeria. Bought from Dr. Runge, Hans-Joachim, Hamburg. December 1980. According to Dr. Runge, the item is an early form of the wholly coiled manilla, 19th/20th century? From a collection of a colonial officer from Belgium who lived many years in the Congo before 1913.

Kopermengsel, Nigerie. Gekoop by Dr. Runge, Hans-Joachim, Hamburg. Desember 1980. Volgens Dr. Runge is die item ‘n vroeë vorm van die geheel en al gewilde manilla, 19de/20ste eeu? Vanaf ‘n koloniale beampte uit België wat voor 1913 vir baie jare in die Kongo gewoon het.

12

3678 Tobacco pipe

Ysterpyp met leerringe en koppelketting, is gese dat dit aan ‘n “ou slaaf in diens van Mnr. Marquard, handelaar, Adderlystraat” behoort het.

3678 Yemibhobho

lmibhobho yentsimbi enemithawuzo yefele edityaniswe ngekhonco, kuthiwa ke “yayiyeyekhoboka elidala umsebenzi wale eyayikunika iinkonzo uMnu Marquard, Umrhwebi, Adderly Street”.

3678 Pipe

Iron pipe with leather thongs and interlinking chain, said to have belonged to “an old slave in the service of Mr Marquard, Merchant, Adderley Street”.

13

lsatifiketi Sekhoboka, iOfisi zokuBhalisa amaKhoboka zaseStelenbosh, 1829

Esisatifikti bubungqina bokudlulisa umfane wekhoboka uAdonis ozalwe ngomhla ka 29 eanzibe 1818 kwimpatho ka I.A Myburg. Xa sisiya ngesatifiketi uAdonisii lo wayeneminyaka nje eyi11 ukuthengiswa kwakhe. Wazalwa Kanye-kanye emva kokuba kudluliswe lomthetho ka 1807 wochitho lobukhoboka, nangona kunjalo ke kodwa kwaqhutyekwa wathengiswa. lnkululeko epheleleyo izokwenzeka emva kokuba lomthetho wenkululeko yamakhoboka idluliswe ngonyaka ka 1833. Wayezakukhululeka eneminyaka eyi 16 kuba ke umthetho lo wasebenza kakuhle ngo 1834. lsetifiketi asisixeleli ncam ifani ka Adonis, ukuba ke yayiligama lakhe lokwenyani nje kwa Iona eli, lento ke yenza kubenzima nokufumana kwa ncukacha ngaye. Kwenzeka ntoni emva kwenkululeko? Wayenazo kwa izalamane? Ukuba kunjalo, ziphi? Bobunjani ubomi obaphilwa ligetyana lomfana ozalelwe ebukhobokeni emvakwenkululeko? Kukho imibuzo esingakwaziyo uyiphendula kuba kwancukacha le ingamakhoboka yayingaqulutyanga ngokupheleleyo. Babelinganiswa njengepropati (imithinzana).
– Ndeenda Shivute

Slaaf Sertifikaat, Slaaf Registrasiekantoor Stellenbosch, 1829

Hierdie sertifikaat is bewyse van ‘n oordrag van die manlike slaaf Adonis, wat op 29 Mei 1818 gebore is, na die eienaarskap van I.A. Myburgh. Volgens die sertifikaat was Adonis slegs 11 toe hy verhandel was. Hy is gebore nadat die 1807 Afskaffing van Slawernyhandel wet ingestel is, maar hy was steeds verhandel. Volle emansipasie het eers plaasgevind nadat die Wet op Slawerny Afskaffing ingestel is in 1833. Hy sou op die ouderdom van 16 bevry word omdat die wet eers in 1834 in werking getree het. Die sertifikaat gee nie ‘n bynaam vir Adonis nie, of dat dit selfs sy regte geboortenaam was, wat dit moeilik maak om enige inligting oor hom op te spoor. Wat het met hom gebeur na emansipasie? Het hy enige familielede gehad? lndien wel, waar was hulle? Watter soort lewe het ‘n jong man wat in slawerny gebore is, nadat hy bevry is? Hierdie is vrae wat ons nie kan beantwoord nie, omdat die inligting oor slawe nie goed gedokumenteer was nie. Hulle was gelyk aan eiendom (voorwerpe).
– Ndeenda Shivute

Slave Certificate, Slave Registry office Stellenbosch, 1829

This certificate is proof of a transfer of the male slave Adonis born on the 29 May 1818 into the ownership of I.A Myburgh. According to the certificate Adonis was only 11 when he was traded. He was born after the 1807 Abolition of Slavery Trade Act was passed, yet he was still traded. Full emancipation only happened after the Slavery Abolition Act was passed in 1833. He would have been freed at the age of 16 because the law only came into effect in 1834. The certificate does not give a last name for Adonis, if that was even his real birth name, so it makes it hard to track down any information about him. What happened to him after emancipation? Did he have any family members? If so, where were they? What kind of life did a young man who was born into slavery live after he was freed? These are questions that we are not able to answer because the information about slaves was not well documented. They were equated to property (objects).
– Ndeenda Shivute

14

Embossed VOC seal

The Dutch East India Company (VOC)’s occupation of the shore of Table Bay in 1652 was a pre-emptive move to exclude the English with whom the Dutch were at war. The VOC fort and garden was built directly in the path of Khoi grazing routes and in 1659 open conflict broke out. Jan van Riebeeck, the VOC commander, wrote that the Khoi “insisted that we had been appropriating more and more of their land, which had been theirs all these centuries, and on which they had been accustomed to let their cattle graze. They asked strongly if they would be allowed to do such a thing supposing they went to Holland. … Eventually they had to be told that their land had fallen to us, … won by the sword, as it were, and we intended to keep it.”

lsiciko sophawu lweVOC

Ukuhlala kweDutch East Indian Company(VOC) enxwemeni lweTable Bay kumnyaka ka 1652 yayizizilungiselelo zangabomu zokuvalela ngaphandle amangesi wona lawo amaDatshi ayesesemfazweni nawo. lnqaba ye VOC kwakunye negadi yayo zakhiwa endleleni, kanye apho abaThwa babetyisa khona imfuyo yabo, nobangela Iowa waqala uqhushululu wemfazwe ngonyaka ka 1659. Jan van Riebeeck, inkomende ye VOC yabhala ukuba abaThwa aba “bagxininisa ukuba siyaqhubekeka ngokuqhubekeka ukwenza umhlaba wabo owethu, wona lo bamakhulukhulu eminyaka ingowabo, kwaye abaqhelileyo ukuvulela kuwo iinkomo zabo zitye. Kwaye babebuza ngamandla ukuba ingavumeleka into enjalo ukuba yenzeke xa bona benokuya eHolandi . … Kwanyanzeleka ukuba ekugqibeleni baxelelwe ukuba umhlaba wabo uwele ngakuthi, … uzuzwe ngesitshetshe, kunjalo nje, sizimisele ukuwugcina.”

Geposseerde VOC seel

Die Nederlandse Oos-lndiese Kompanjie (VOC) se besetting van die oewer van Tafeldal in 1652 was ‘n voornemende skuif om die Engelse uit te sluit, met wie die Nederlanders in oorlog was. Die VOC-fort en tuin is direk in die pad van Khoi­weidingroetes gebou en in 1659 het konflik uitgebreek. Jan Van Riebeeck, die VOC­bevelvoerder, het geskryf dat die Khoi “daarop aangedring het dat ons al hoe meer van hul land bewillig, wat al hierdie eeue aan hulle behoort het, en waarop hulle gewoond was om hul beeste te laat wei. Hulle het sterk gevra of hulle toegelaat sou word om so iets te doen as hulle na Holland gegaan het … Uiteindelik moes hulle meegedeel word dat hulle land na ons geval het, … wat deur die swaard gewin is, en dat dit ons bedoeling is om dit te behou.”

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GH84/8 Tekening van “Jardin de la Compagnie au Cap de Bonne Esperance” 1727 Peter Kolbe (1675-1726)

Kolb se plan toon die formele ontwerp van die Kompanjiestuin in 1727 met rye bome, ‘n klein wingerd-en groentebeddings omring deur ‘n breë buiskanaal en besproeide akwadukte gevoed deur Tafelberg se strome. Die tuin is geplant en geweek deur die Europese loonarbeiders, maar binne ‘n paar jaar het die VOC spesiale skepe geborg om slawewerk te lewer. Ongeveer 500 maatskappyslawe op ‘n slag was in die Slawe Losie gehuisves, waarvan die meeste van hulle gedwing is om te werk in die aangrensende Kompanjietuin.

GH84/8 Umzobo ka “Jardin de la Compagnie au Cap de Bonne Esperance” 1727 Peter Kolbe (1675-1726)

lmizobo kaKolb yocetywa kwe gadi yenkampani ngo 1727 ibonisa ukuyila okucwangcisiweyo okunemiqolo yemithi, iyadi yevanya encinane nebhedi yamahlamvu erhangqelwe ngumjelo ophangalele ngaphandle kwanemijelo yokuncenceshela efunxa pha kwintab’etafile. lgadi le yaqala yatyalwa kwaye yalinywa ngabaqeshwa baseYurophu, apho ke kwathi emva kweminyakana nje embalwa iVOC le yathi jize ngenxaso-mali izikhephe ezikhethekileyo ukuba zize nabasebenzi bobukhoboka. Angangamakhulu a mah lanu amakhoboka eyehlaliswa eSlave Lodge, ubu ninzi babo besetyenziswa a pha ekoyameni kwiGadi yenKampani.

GH84/8 Drawing of”Jardin de la Compagnie au Cap de Bonne Esperance” 1727 Peter Kolbe (1675-1726)

Kolb’s plan shows the formalized design of the Company’s Garden in 1727 with rows of trees, a small vineyard and vegetable beds surrounded by a broad outer canal and irrigated aqueducts fed by Table Mountain streams. The garden was first planted and farmed by European wage labourers but within a few years the VOC was sponsoring special ships to supply slave labour. Around 500 Company slaves at a time were housed in the Slave Lodge, most of them made to work in the adjacent Company’s Garden.

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Slaweklok

Opdrag gegee in 1775 deur die familie van Breda wat ‘n groot plaas in Tafeldal besit, bekend as “Oranje Zicht” as gevolg van die Oranje bastion van die Kasteel. Teen hierdie tyd het die boedel negentien slawe besit, waarvan 11 vanaf Bengal was en beskryf was as tuiniere.

lntsimbi Yamakhoboka

Yayigunyanyiswe lusapho Iuka Breda ngo 1775, ingamanini entsimi enkulu phezulu pha eTable Valley eyayisaziwa nge “Orange Zicht” ngenxa yembhoniselo yenqaba le. Lelixesha ke iphondo eli lalinamakhoboka angamadoda alishumi elinesithoba. abalishumi elinanye babo besuka eBengal bebizwa ngabasebenzi basegadini.

Slave Bell

Commissioned in 1775 by the van Breda family who owned a large farm in the upper Table Valley known as “Oranje Zicht” because of the view of the Oranje bastion of the Castle. At this time the estate owned nineteen male slaves, eleven of whom were from Bengal and described as gardeners.